They have a story to tell the outside world. They do want to tell it to the outside world. But they do not know if they want to tell it to the outside world anymore as they do not want to tell it to any and every passerby now.

Once, sometime in the past, they used to do so.

They were always aware of the ‘disconnect’ that the outside world consciously thought to build and maintain. Changing times have not been able to change it.

At some point of time in their past, they realized it, they realized about it, that they were being subjected to and subjugated by the false notions of the human civilization’s social order and were being wrongly put out of the socialization process.

They realized they needed to raise voice; they needed to collect the voices.

They discussed it among themselves, in the community and began to tell their story to their immediate surroundings to begin the process of dialogue.

But it was not long when they realized their efforts were falling to the deaf ears. They did not find their ‘listeners’ there. But in those initial days of their efforts, it didn’t frustrate them. They thought they needed to reach out more. They thought they needed a larger audience to make the world aware of the cruel injustice being meted out to them.

They were the men at the interface of a wider human interaction platform. They had ready access to the larger spectrum of a diverse audience, from every layer and class of the human civilization or religion they belonged to.

Randomly or regularly, whenever they got some moments away from their work, they discussed their case with the audience, the unknown and unnamed faces for them, but known in their (the audience) parts of the world that were part of the larger world they were also part of.

But as time passed, it slowly and gradually dawned upon them that no one was ready to buy their genuine explanations emanating out of the genuine demands of the humanity.

As the generation grew old, the thought behind the energy to pursue the case was pushed into hibernation by the apathy of the socialized world that goes to them for its final liberation.

The story is still there. But the subsequent generations that came later grew more and more closeted due to the insensitivity of their sisters and brothers. They still feel about the injustice. They still want to reach out and tell about it. But they don’t know to whom!

©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –


“Personification of speech is an art,
distilled to the finesse of characterization
and intended to establish a bond with the listeners.
It is mastered not just by the masterly use of written words.
It needs the emotional connect with the subject as well.
The words need to perform.
The words need to get their person in time.
The words need to push the thoughts to act honestly.”

©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey – 


Unskilled and semi-skilled migrants are the largest chunk of the internal migrants in India who migrate in search of livelihood options.

Unskilled and semi-skilled internal migrants in India, leaving their homes in desperate search of the elusive earning option that they could not get at their homes, begin their journey on an unpredictable note, without any planning, much like their journey.

Some of them take to the roads but for most, the Indian Railways is the only option.

Indian trains have an unreserved class, also called the ‘general class’, offering cheapest fairs, and almost no amenities. Anyone who is even slightly capable of meeting some ends would never want to board these ‘general class compartments’ of any train.

Most of the Indian trains are notorious but the general class compartments can effectively be put in the ‘horrible journey experience’ category when they chug from and to the poorer or poorly governed states; states providing the rest of the India with unskilled or semi-skilled manpower. Most of them are daily wage earners. Unorganized occupation units like construction, private transportation and small time vending employ almost of the lot.

Though the labour law sets rules of engagement but it is never followed in such manpower sectors. People, for whom the law is enacted, can’t read even the newspaper properly. Their only concern is to survive the coming day. It is silly to expect that they would raise voices to say that they are not being paid the basic minimum wage as defined by the statute.

And they pack the general class of these Indian Railways trains which are devoid of even the basic amenities.

Take a walk on a major railway station like Delhi, Mumbai or Howrah and you can see the large queues struggling to enter the general class compartments of the trains heading to the states like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Odisha and some other poor states. Police force is employed to manage the swelling crowd that overcrowds the trains packing them many times beyond the capacity. Some stampedes in past have killed many.

But they have no other option than to board these compartments.

For them, life is restricted to the environs of the general class compartment of the Indian Railways trains – neglected, marginalized, overburdened, and ignorant!

And this symbolism continues with their lives in the big city India.

They do carry hope when they board the train but it is not the kind of hope that the passengers boarding the air-conditioned coaches of the same train carry. Their hopes, most of the time, don’t fall even in the category of the hopes carried by the reserved sleeper class passengers, a class having slightly better amenities than the unreserved general class.

Also, the sleeper class is known as ‘second class’ in common man’s terminology. That, invariably, leaves the ‘third class’ notion and ‘treatment’ for the ‘general class passengers’. Isn’t it?

These internal migrants of India do carry a hope when they leave their homes or when they return to their homes.

Yes, they carry just one hope, the hope of survival that they would be able to find something to do there, to earn, and to live further. Their agenda of life is limited to a day or set of a few days only and keeps on changing. The glitzy metros with their blitzy environs are just like the air-conditioned class of the train they just pass through but do not even notice while heading to the cramped ‘general class’ compartments with ‘third class’ amenities.

They toil on the city roads and in the city environs during their working hours and head to the city slums or look for a corner on the road pavements to complete their day for the next day.

It is a dark aspect of the internal migration in the sovereign, socialist, secular, democratic republic of India.

©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –



Migrants face denial of basic entitlements including access to subsidized food, housing, drinking water, sanitation and public health facilities, education and banking services and often work in poor conditions devoid of social security and legal protection. Positive impacts of migration remain unrecognized.

— Overview of Internal Migration in India, UNICEF, 2012

The 2001 Census said the internal migrants were 30 per cent of the Indian population (309 million). According to the (National Sample Survey Office) NSSO 2007-08 findings, the proportion came down to 28.5 per cent. But 17 million more left their homes for varied reasons taking the count to 326 million. The estimates are for every type of migration – rural to rural, rural to urban and urban to urban. Another significant sociological indicator comes from the Census 2011 data. For the first time in 90 years, since the Census 1921, the Urban India added more to its numbers than the rural India. And the rural to urban migration has a significant stake. P Sainath equated this with ‘distress migration’ in one of his articles.

According to the NSSO 2007-08 findings, employment was the major reason behind migration of the male population. 29 per cent of the rural males and 56 per cent of the urban males migrated in search of the livelihood options.

And Rahul Gandhi’s Girish is just one ‘nameless faceless’ man among the millions of the migrating lot who face exploitation, poor working conditions and a poor life as the report puts it.

The trend implies a darker aspect. This migrating lot, basically the unskilled and semiskilled working class from poorer or poorly governed states, is in such a miserable conditions of survival that it opts for a life of exploitation hoping it can give some desperate earning options to meet the basic requirements like food and medicines of the family left behind.

Imagine the deplorable conditions millions of Indians are living in.

They survive on virtually nothing and that makes them tough and rugged. Those who survive the flirtations of hunger and shelter can tolerate any persecution, so be it the life where one shares a cramped room of 8 feet by 8 feet with 8 other fellow migrants in a heartless and hypercompetitive Indian metro like Delhi or Mumbai. It is not the IIMs way of making ‘workers’ rugged, workers who face problem of plenty. It is how the life makes one rugged where choices are non-existent and only the will to live further makes one to take the next step in life.

Though the government has enacted a Right to Education Bill making provision of educational facilities to every child a mandatory act, education is not at all a basic requirement of life for this migrating lot. Millions of them are still living in the dark-age mentality where more number of the male children means increased number of the earning hands in the family.

Members of this migrating class don’t have a dream when they leave their homes. They are well aware of the situation awaiting them in the metro India where they will be cornered in some slum locality or at the outskirts of the city.

Many can’t even afford that.

Delhi, India’s national capital and a city that boasts of maximum increase in per capita income, shows it. Take a random night drive crisscrossing the city, from its posh colonies to the slum localities, from its office spaces to its marketplaces, and one can see migrants surviving their day-to-day lives on road dividers, on footpaths, on railway stations, on hand-pulled rickshaws.

And Delhi is not the standalone case. Almost every big city in India will take you across a similar canvas of predicament.

There is no denial to the fact that skilled and highly skilled workers, too, are migrating but they cannot compensate for the negativity that owes its genesis in the ‘forced-by-circumstances’ migration of millions from the lower bottom of the social pyramid.

©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –


Personification of speeches – it’s an art, distilled to the finesse of characterization and intended to establish a bond with the audience. In politics, and the sort of politics Rahul Gandhi talks of practicing, this art needs to go beyond the realms of art.

The words need to perform here. The words need to get their person in time. The words need to push the act to the action.

It is mastered not just by the masterly use of the written words, but also needs the emotional connect with the subjects.

Rahul Gandhi has repeatedly tried to sound pro-people by using real life examples and anecdotes. But the ground reality of the real life metaphors that Rahul tries to convey and symbolize through his speeches fails the very intent.

The ground reality of Rahul’s real life metaphors fails Rahul.

And by allowing that to happen, Rahul fails the real life metaphors that he so passionately talks about; that he so sincerely looks to propagate.

In 2008, a non-descript Kalawati was immortalized when Rahul Gandhi had passionately spoken about her in a speech in the Indian Parliament. He had linked prospects of Kalawati’s empowerment with progressive policies like the ‘India-US Nuclear Deal’.

India is dotted with millions of Kalawatis – living in poverty, burdened, miserable, vulnerable. Kalawati got ample attention and help after Rahul made her a central figure of his speech.

Yet, Kalawati remains, after five years, just one of the millions Kalawatis – miserable and burdened. She still works as a contract labourer and finds it hard to feed the family of eight. Had Kalawati thought of this sort of immortalization?

Has Rahul Gandhi pondered over it? We are yet to know that.

And now, Rahul gives us another personification of his thoughts, this time in a migrant worker, again some non-descript Girish, much like Kalawati.

Rahul, like Kalawati, talks passionately about Girish. Rahul talks of optimism and aspirations of the youngster who leaves his village to make a living in a big city.

There are millions of Girishes in India. And sorry Mr. Gandhi, their migration is more out of compulsion than out of excitement to make it big. They realize they are going to be a part of the grinding machinery that squeezes them out and at the end of the cycle, they return back to their shores as lesser men than what they used to be.

The majority of domestic migration in search of livelihood in India is a sorry story because it adds to the burgeoning population of big city slums and not to the living spaces of the rising multistory buildings. We cannot be proud of that Mr. Gandhi because this population group would never want to leave its roots if it gets its livelihood there, in that non-descript village.

That non-descript village needs its script Mr. Gandhi.

Have you thought over it?

©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –



Midst all the talks of Bharat Mata, youth power and ideas and the beehive diligence, India remains a dark reminder of a story that took on to the wrong path before it could see the right one when it began in 1947.

And there is no need to go back in the history to analyse it. Almost all of the second generation politicians today are the products of the political dynasties. Having grown up and seen affluent lives, a clear disconnect from the ground reality of India can easily be seen in their attitudes. They talk big. They talk insensitive. They talk meaningless. Rarely, we find them walking the talk. A look at the recent political scene is self-explanatory.

Among the high-talking points these days is the Maharashtra drought. The industrialized state of the western India is facing the worst drought in 40 years.

Yet, Deputy Chief Minister of the state, Ajit Pawar, a product of the dynasty politics in India (being from the powerful Pawar family), breaches every level of insensitivity with his ‘urinate in the dams’ remark while commenting the drought situation. According to a Times of India report, during a rally in Pune, the politician, while trying to slight the fast of a farmer, Prabhakar Deshmukh from the drought hit Solapur district, said, “He has been fasting for the last 55 days. If there is no water in the dam, how can we release it? Should we urinate into it? If there is no water to drink, even urination is not possible”.

By saying so, he has slighted the humanity, he has slighted his own existence, and he has slighted an already debased Indian political scene even more. It was unethical. It was audacious when procedures were mocked to reinstate Pawar as the Deputy CM after he was forced to resign for his role in the alleged 70,000 irrigation scam of Maharashtra. Even at this moment of human crisis, Pawar has been alleged to divert water in dams (supposed to go to the people) to the industries when people in drought-hit areas are reeling under the water scarcity.

Even, the other prominent second generation politicians in Maharashtra, Uddhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray, are the products of the dynasty politics. Okay, being from a political dynasty is not a crime but what about the brand of divisive politics they are practicing?

Let’s come to the national scene.

The youth power of India is in vogue – not in terms of productivity but in speechmaking of the politicians like Rahul Gandhi and Narendra Modi. It is so because they form the largest chunk of the votebank and can swing the all important ‘who wins or who loses’ outcome in the upcoming Lok Sabha election.

Rahul Gandhi has been very specific about promoting youth though there are very few grassroots leaders in his youth brigade who are without any political inheritance or who are not from the affluent background. And almost none of that kind (the grassroots) has reached to the level of the policymaking bodies like the Union Cabinet. Sachin Pilot, Jyotiraditya Scindia, Milind Deora, Deepender Hooda and Rahul himself, all are products of the dynasty politics. Unfortunately (for India), the list is long and is getting longer.

Why Rahul Gandhi’s speeches have become so repetitive?

Why his speeches only talk of questions?

Why he never talks about solutions in concrete, tangible terms?

It is because, the ‘disconnect’ is still there. It reflects in Rahul’s reluctance in taking the political centrestage on vital issues like the Lokpal Bill or the Delhi gangrape that agitate the whole country.

What India needs to come out of its dark is a leader who is sensitive and who cares for and practices a life of probity. But the way the governments and the administrative machineries were manipulated to give clean chit to Robert Vadra in controversial land deals puts valid question marks on Rahul’s intentions. Okay, Vadra might be clean and what he has amassed (wealth) might be due to his business acumen (and luck), but being from the family that has been at the political forefront of the independent India, Vadra needed to come out clean in a ‘clean manner’ if Rahul means what all he is talking about, be it in Jaipur when he was elected vice president of the Congress party or at the CII annual general meeting speech in Delhi. But that is not being done. That is just not happening.

Let’s pan across the country to see the second generation leaders who claim the states now (and some of them can and will claim the nation later).


They have become central figures of the regional politics by virtue of being sons or daughters of the political heavyweights. They got the political chair in inheritance.

Akhilesh Yadav, chief minister of India’s largest state, Uttar Pradesh is a dynasty politics product. Taking the office with clear majority, when the Samajwadi Party won the assembly election last year, could have only one direct implication – people of the state, one of the most backward in India, needed change because they had refused another clear-majority government, of Mayawati’s, elected in the previous rule. Mayawati’s government was a miserable failure but, unfortunately, Akhilesh’s government too, is heading to the similar territory.

His one year of rule is a sorry picture of increasing lawlessness and governance failure in the state. The worrying sign is the future looks grim and there looks no roadmap to take the curative measures. Also, Akhilesh belongs to a political family with its head (Mulayam Singh Yadav) embroiled in disproportionate assets case. Also, Akhilesh belongs to a party that has become synonymous with political opportunism and political hooliganism.

M K Stalin, younger son and heir of the DMK (Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam) patriarch M Karunanidhi is, too, a product of the dynasty politics. Given the history of regular government changes in Tamil Nadu, Stalin is slated to become the chief minister of the state in the future.

Stalin has been named in a flyover scam. He has been booked for land grab charges. Karunanidhi’s family is facing serious corruption allegations. There are corruption charges against Kanimozhi and M K Alagiri. Kanimozhi was arrested in the multi-billion dollar 2G spectrum scam. A Raja, the alleged central face of the 2G spectrum scam, has been and is being brazenly defended by the DMK.

Though, both, the DMK and the SP are political parties with regional presence, they play, have played and will be playing significant role in the national politics that has become coalition driven.

And it would not be big deal, if the political developments throw names of Akhilesh Yadav or M K Stalin as potential successor for the prime-ministerial chair sometime (sometimes) in the future. The country has already seen such political equations in the past when Chandra Shekhar, H D Deve Gowda and Inder Kumar Gujaral got the residential address of the 7 Race Course Road. Even if that doesn’t happen soon, they already have the larger states with millions of people to ‘rule’ over.

Sandeep Dikshit, son of the Delhi chief minister and Member of Parliament from Delhi, doesn’t stand the ‘national politics’ chance because he is in the Congress party. Yes, he has all the valid reasons to hope to become the chief minister of Delhi riding on the wave of the dynasty politics. In line with the trend, Sandeep, too, is facing corruption allegations.

H D Kumaraswamy, a former chief minister of Karnataka and son of former prime minister H D Deve Gowda, and another product of the dynasty politics, has been named in disproportionate assets and land scam cases. Also, Janata Dal has seen so many splits that his party, JD(S) (Janata Dal-Secular) doesn’t stand a chance to give Kumaraswamy a chance, like his father got, to become a potential name for the prime minister’s office. But, in spite of the corruption taints, he has all the chances to make it to the chief minister’s office of the state.

In Punjab, it is all about the Badal family. The dynasty rules here. There are corruption allegations. There are charges of disproportionate assets. No one in the state is reacting seriously on the highhandedness of the police officials and the goons, especially in the second consecutive term of the ‘Badal family’ in the office.

The second generation lot, if they don’t come across chances in the national politics, they know they have larger states to rule, which they rule more like kings because they know they can easily manipulate the System by being the kingmakers in the national politics the age of coalition politics with rise of satraps driven regional political parties.

The other potential kingmakers in the national politics of the coalition era, apart from the SP and the DMK are the AITC (All Indian Trinamool Congress), BSP (Bahujan Samaj Party), JD(U) (Janata Dal-United), BJD (Biju Janata Dal), TDP (Telugu Desam Party) AIADMK (All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam) and the Left Front parties.


BSP rule is no better than the SP governance the country has seen it. Besides, Mayawati is facing mammoth corruption charges and like the case with Mulayam, the probe is on.

All the high hopes that Mamata Banarjee had generated, when the people of West Bengal had chosen her over the 35 years of the Left Front rule in the state, are decimated and crushed. Mamata’s rule and her party workers have become ‘just the other anarchy’ in the state. The goons of the CPM (Communist Party of India-Marxist) have been replaced by the goons of the AITC.

JD(U) and BJD are doing good. The rule of these parties is relatively less corruption-tainted.

AIADMK is again a big question mark when it comes to corruption. Tamil Nadu chief minister and party chief J Jayalalitha is facing court cases on disproportionate assets charges.

We all have seen what the Left Front parties made of West Bengal, once a driver of Indian politics, economy and intellectual growth, into an utter chaos of lawlessness, corruption, poverty and intellectual starvation.

So, more of the kingmakers on the table, in case of a fragmented electoral verdict, have or have had a poor record when it comes to the politics of probity, integrity and reform.

They will squeeze and extract the maximum possible mileage bending the rules and manipulating the System to continue delaying the proceedings and diluting the charges if they come to play the kingmakers in the national politics. And emboldened, as is the case, the wheels of corruption shall keep on getting the lubrication unabashed.

Most of the names given to country by the dynasty politics has a different sort of primary deficiency – the ‘disconnect’. Though corruption has become ‘fundamental’ element of the political culture of many of such political parties, here, the ‘disconnect’ sustains and increases the corruption.

More of the names, not in the league of the dynasty politics, have the most menacing deficiency a poor democracy like India can have – insensitivity loaded with neck-deep corruption as the primary driver. Here, corruption breeds the ‘insensitivity’ that in-turns breeds the ‘disconnect’.

So many of them, yet so few of them!

How can they represent India when none of them have experienced the real India – millions under poverty line – millions struggling daily to have two square meals – millions struggling daily to buy even the most basic of the medicines – millions just staring at the schools but cannot cross into – millions dropping out of the schools – millions crushed to pay bribes daily even for their absolute rights – millions being slighted everyday by the corrupt political and bureaucratic machinery!

How can they represent India when they have comfortably forgotten the very cause of the democratic India – bringing millions of Indians out of a life of misery, millions who elect them to act on their ‘behalf’!

Instead, most of the elected lot has become antithesis to this democratic spirit. Corruption and political opportunism are creating breeding ‘grounds’ for class hostilities in India in the days to come.

The man of probity India seeks needs to act with probity and with swiftness. Time has already run out. Integrity of the man India needs must have an impartial and independent attitude.

But the way Vadra was given clean chits was brazen. The way Ajit Pawar was reinstated was shameless. The way Mamata Banarjee is justifying and defending the vandalism of the AITC in West Bengal is worrying.

These and similar other developments could have been termed shocking but more shocking is the fact that Manmohan’s ‘aam aadmi’ is getting more and more into the ‘silently reacting and silently dissenting’ attitude on the high handedness of its political rulers who have started behaving like kings.

Certainly an ominous development for the Indian democracy if left unattended!

©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –


It is not the slog-over moment yet but the Narendra Modi Vs Rahul Gandhi war of words has reached to the heightened interpretations. Nothing else moves on airwaves when these two are talking, irrespective of what they are talking. One is talking so less yet gets repetitive. Other is talking so much that he gets repetitive. Yet, the ‘enticed(?) many’ find so many points and pointers in their talks to come with their analyses in stretched and over-stretched dimensions.

After Rahul Gandhi’s Beehive Speech at the CII annual general meeting, the flow of wisdom was plentiful and its affluence is still abundant with Narendra Modi fuelling the fire by his speeches – four longish ones in two days – on April 8 in Delhi and on April 9 in Kolkata. These four, duly attended and tended to by the media and the political pundits, are in addition to the fringe speeches (given here and there after Rahul Gandhi’s April 4 speech, but given ‘due’ ‘Modi-attention’).

Media have already made it a Narendra Modi Vs Rahul Gandhi battle in the next Lok Sabha election. Okay, there are elements of verity in this display based on the political developments and the subsequent political perceptions. But it is about the drive to become an overdrive; to get hyperdriven.

Rahul Vs Modi and a hyper-charged media! Rahul realizes it. Modi realizes it. Rahul knows better about his strategy, that most of us don’t know or have not been able to perceive, but Modi, it seems, is in favour of an all out war, training his expertise on and directing his guns over the UPA, the Congress party and Rahul Gandhi wherever and whenever possible. His intensity of verbal duel increases significantly in the aftermath(!) of any address by any of the top three UPA figures, Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and Manmohan Singh.

This time also, it is all the same brass-tacks ‘enticing(?) many’ to perceive, analyse and come with their versions or simply put forward what is being said in order to feel participative in the process.

Let’s see how the words of wisdom are flowing:

Let’s what were some of the interesting news and views trending over the Indian media platforms on the latest Rahul Vs Modi episode:

1970s US cable also referred to Indira Gandhi’s Congress as beehive

NDTV, April 09, 2013

Congress turns tables on Narendra Modi, after Rahul Gandhi fiasco

Indian Express, April 9, 2013

After beehive, the honeytrap: Modi woos businesswomen

Times of India, April 9, 2013

Nitish pours honey on BJP beehive barb

Calcutta Telegraph, April 9, 2013

Spare me of ‘beehive’ but honey is useful: Nitish Kumar

Times of India, April 9, 2013

Gods reside in this nation, not bees: Uma Bharati

Times of India, April 9, 2013

Power watch: Rahul Gandhi’s the conservative, and Narendra Modi the rebel?

Economic Times, April 9, 2013

Narendra Modi tells India’s power women why he should be man of the house

Economic Times, April 9, 2013

‘We aren’t matas, we’re hey girls!’

Hindustan Times, April 9, 2013

Rahul Gandhi lazy, mediocre; Modi arrogant, dictatorial: Ramachandra Guha

TNN, April 8, 2013

Feku@FICCI vs Pappu@CIIModi, Gandhi speeches trend on Twitter

Business Standard, April 8, 2013

On Twitter anti-Modi #Feku beats #ModiStormsFicci

Firstpost, April 8, 2013

Modi No Feminist in Speech to ‘Ladies’

Wall Street Journal (blog), April 8, 2013

‘Kalavati’ Vs ‘Jassu Behen’: How Narendra Modi mocked Rahul Gandhi, April 8, 2013

Modi at FICCI: Odes to Jasuben, Induben but where are the women …

Daily Bhaskar, April 8, 2013

Jasuben and her pizza get big endorsement from Narendra Modi

NDTV, April 8, 2013

‘Where will honey come from if there is no beehive?’ asks Nitish Kumar

NDTV, April 8, 2013

Narendra Modi speech focuses on ‘Mother India’ to displace Rahul Gandhi’s beehive

NDTV, April 8, 2013

Narendra Modi will prove ‘yamraj’ for Congress in 2014 elections: BJP

Daily News & Analysis, April 6, 2013

Mother India not a beehive: Narendra Modi

Hindustan Times, April 6, 2013

Would be harsh on Rahul Gandhi to compare him with Narendra Modi, says smiling Yashwant Sinha

NDTV, April 4, 2013

©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –