This pain,
I don’t know,
If it is still central to me
This pain, I live it,
As if
I don’t care for it anymore
My days go with it
I wake up and say goodbye,
To the life on a day,
Not realizing its absence,
Not feeling its presence,
This pain,
I have lived it for so long,
That it ceased to have,
An identity of its own
But I can’t say,
If this pain is still,
Indispensable for me..

The Lonely Thorns..The Lonesome Curves<


©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –


It was never for the soul
It was always for the pain

With duplicities defining the whole
With charades and their shows inane

The fragrance was always deceiving
The presence frequently compromised

With an intent bent on misleading
With a soul already dispossessed

Yes, it was never from the heart
Yes, it was always a face so concealed



©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –


“Enjoy when you don’t get much attention..
..but enjoy your own company..
..It is hard earned
..and the phase is a good hunting ground..
..for some hard earned wisdom.”

Enjoy When You Don't Get Much Attention


©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –


It was a big day politically for BJP with the party declaring its chief minister for Maharashtra but its prospect was marred by two hostile developments, the developments that BJP cannot take on head-on to defend itself or to attack to deflect the barrage of questions being shot on it.

Because, the developments owe their genesis to an agency criticising or attacking which will only harm the party.

Judicial activism has been a sore point for Indian politics and the politicians running the show but has come as the saving grace, the desperate ray of hope for millions of Indians cursed to be crushed under political apathy and corruption.

It is not that the judiciary is corrupt. It is. It is, in fact, highly corrupt at lower levels but when the judicial activism gets its flow from the apex judicial body, the Supreme Court of India, it sends a stern message to the erratic institutions and individuals, including the lower levels of judiciary. And this message is repeated every time, whenever the Supreme Court wields the Constitutional hammer to rein in the erring parties.

So, when the Supreme Court came down heavily, twice, on the Indian government today, criticising it for ‘repeated’ excuses on forming government in Delhi or conducting fresh elections and rapping it for ‘selective’ disclosure of the names of the black money account holders, the warning, the message was repeated again, but, with a severe symbolic blow to BJP this time.

And it was not about the issue of government formation in Delhi. It was, as expected, about the black money issue.

So, even if the Supreme Court’s direct question on ‘how BJP would form the government’ was embarrassing enough as BJP cannot form the government in Delhi with ethical and transparent means, it was humiliating and shocking when the apex court directed the BJP-led Union Government to submit the list of all overseas account holders by tomorrow, an issue on which the government had taken a U-turn on ‘complete disclosure’, going as far as to appeal to the Supreme Court to review its 2011 order that ‘had sought complete disclosure’ of information.

Now, BJP could have championed the cause, as it had been making promises and war-cry about it since the matter started getting wider attention with the PIL in Supreme Court in 2009. It was one of the major poll planks of BJP and Narendra Modi spoke at length about it.

But, they could not champion it, even if they had the intent. They failed in recognizing the pulse and packaging the communication.

Sooner or later, they had to reveal all the names because it was a Supreme Court monitored probe. But the way they made statements with selective disclosures of three names only and talked of revealing more names in stages and phases with no definite timeline made for negative headlines and indicated of political motives to score political mileage. The Supreme Court Bench would have all these aspects under consideration while dealing the blow to the ruling party today.

So, the championing edge that BJP carved and used in the days before May 26, 2014, the day Narendra Modi’s government was inaugurated, was lost today.

What BJP should have done had to be put into motion by the Supreme Court and the NDA government led by BJP acted in the way similar to that of practiced by Manmohan Singh led UPA government.

BJP messed with the wrong pole here, a pole that has remained the very few avenues left where the common Indian can pin his hopes hoping for getting the truth out of web of political U-turns.

BJP, its leaders, and its rank and file – they simply lost the Black Money advantage today.

©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –


Diwali celebrations were in the air and are still continuing in many parts of the country. It made for news headlines and many shows. Understandable.

Narendra Modi was in Jammu & Kashmir on the Diwali day to spend time with the flood victims. He was there to show solidarity with the Indian soldiers in Siachen and the flood victims in J&K. He held high level meetings and announced fund from the Prime Minister’s Relief Fund. It contributed to the second largest chunk of editorial planning on the Diwali day. Understandable.

The Maharashtra political scene was not clear on two fronts after BJP emerged as the largest party in the state but 23 short of majority mark of 245 in the Maharashtra assembly. One, who would be the Maharashtra chief minister from BJP. Two, what price BJP would extract from Shiv Sena to oblige the Thackeray party as the ‘junior partner’ in the alliance. The newsmaking treadmill has continued unabated since then. Understandable.

Black money issue has been an evergreen fodder and was making for news headlines midst the reports that the government was about to disclose names in the court. Though a damp squib so far based on today’s developments, the issue has infinitely immense potential to oil the newsmaking machinery. Understandable.

A Shahrukh Khan starrer was to be released and it did roaring business in the opening weekend and made for loads of entertainment based content in media programming. Understandable.

Nitin Gadkari’s helmetless riding was caught on camera and transport minister of India along with his scooter became the talking point on social media and in mainstream media. Made for good visual story with scope for ‘sorts’ of debates on ‘moral and ethical’ issues over it. Understandable.

Communal clashes broke up in a part of Delhi and it threatened peace and harmony if not contained. A balanced newsmaking approach to it was required. Understandable.

All these and many other developments were adding to the foliage that makes for the fodder of the mainstream news media content. And the supply has been copious. And the supply to product conversion ratio has been in abundance making their outreach clearly visible.

On the Diwali day, news-reports came that said six farmers in Vidarbha region of Maharashtra had committed suicide within 24 hours. Erratic monsoon and the resultant agrarian loss forced them to take the extreme step. And mind you, these must not be seen as mere numbers. The region, like many other parts of India, has been facing agrarian crisis and farm suicides. According to the reports, the Vidarbha region has seen over 11000 farm suicides since 2001 and the figure this year so has reached to over 900. Yet, it did not make for the news headlines the way above-mentioned issues/developments were picked up.

And this has been like this. The question mark that it puts has been there for quite long. This time also, the trend continued.

©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –


My sister’s 11 year daughter yesterday had her demand simple and direct – I needed to write a poem on Diwali, the festival of light, that she could present in her class. The demand had its genesis after she read what I was scribbling, a random poem in fact, had Diwali as one of its elements. My deadline was set for this evening with a strict warning that it had to be as per her ‘standards’, the elements of which were left to me to think over. And it was to be contemporary, reflecting the trends of the times, at her level.

I looked back on how it went – the day before Diwali, the Diwali day, and the day after Diwali – and tried to pick what kids love the most these days on a festival like Diwali – lights – colours – sweets and chocolates with chocolates getting upper hand on kids’ preferences with big-bang ‘chocolaceous’ promotions – and the schools running meaningful campaigns to aware the students of the harmful effects of traditional crackers and to promote the use of non-polluting crackers.

Well, I did my background work and this is what I have tried. And thankfully, she liked it. My kid. 🙂

Lights were brighter..
Mood was happier..
Yes, it was the Diwali day,
Again after a year..

The colourful lights,
Enveloped houses..
The glow of earthen lamps,
Dotted the fences..

Chocolates then,
Added to the plate of sweets..
And more sweetness,
Added to the fun in the streets..

The family time was there,
And we were all together..
We had a green Diwali,
Smoother and safer..

No more noisy crackers,
No more polluting haze..
The blissful Diwali memories
For the coming days..


©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –





Mouthful of tea by now cold,      
And sip of warm icecream,
Amid Diwali’s blinking lights..
Air today has joy of laziness..
Eyes are sleepy,
Yet, sleep sounds detached..
Mind thinks something,
Then takes a stroll,
With no direction,
With nothing to care for,
Comes back home,
And stretches out on me,
With every colour,
In freshness of every taste..
To be, or could not be,
Is no more a question..
Time has stayed put,
After a long time,
And my leisure is,
Quite engaged today..
Sipped tea today,
And had icecream as well,
And one more time is what,
My good sense demands..          




 ©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –


Lights: Colourful. Jovial. Meaningful. Social.
Colours: Dazzling. Thoughtful. Delightful. Inviting.
Diwali: The Spread of Light. The Reach of Colours.
Diwali: The Spiritual Symbolism of Light.
Diwali: The Situational Pragmatism of Colours.
Diwali: When the Brightest Hour Comes of the Darkest Day.
Lights and Colours of Diwali:
Let There Be Light. Let There Be Colours in Life. For All.

Diwali 2 copy


©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –


Out of NCP, Congress and Shiv Sena, the biggest setback goes to Shiv Sena. It is the biggest loser in spite of registering growth, in seats and in vote share.

Many in the party would be rightly thinking, that just for 5 seats, they lost the ‘senior ally’ in Maharashtra tag, and that too, by a huge margin. Yes, they are the second largest party in Maharashtra assembly but their 63 seats are nowhere near to BJP’s 122 seats, given the fact that BJP had been the junior partner of Shiv Sena in Maharashtra and was ready to do so even this time, agreeing to contest on lesser number of seats than Shiv Sena in the failed seat-sharing talks.

And BJP had reasons and rights to ask for so, because it was not too outrageous a demand. It had performed exceedingly well in the Lok Sabha elections cornering maximum number of Lok Sabha seats from Maharashtra that sends 48 members to the parliament.

In 2014 LS polls, BJP had won 23 seats with 27% vote share while Shiv Sena had 18 seats with 21% vote share. It was a considerable improvement for both. BJP had taken up its tally from 9 LS seats and 19% vote share in 2009 to 23 seats in 2014. Shiv Sena also did very well taking up its tally from 10 seats to 18 seats with 17% vote share in 2009.

But Shiv Sena’s performance was not at par with its junior ally of the past, when seen in comparison with BJP’s rising graph in the state, when it had to be surpassing what BJP achieved. Even in 2009 assembly polls, the junior partner of the alliance had won two seats more (46) than Shiv Sena’s 44 seats. And when it simply outperformed everyone in the Lok Sabha polls registering 8% increase in vote share and over 150% increase in seats, it was right to expect for more.

BJP had a symbolic edge over Shiv Sena with 2009 assembly election results but the 2014 LS polls outcome placed it much ahead of all others, including Shiv Sena. Shiv Sena had to realize it and should have appreciated when BJP didn’t ask for sky-high price for its electoral edge.

But, their ego had to blind them all. Alleging BJP of the ‘big brother’ attitude, they tried to act ‘bigger brother’ and the talks collapsed.

This was when BJP had Narendra Modi and the Modi Factor advantage as well, that drove home a clear majority to a non-Congress party for the first time in electoral history. Probably, Shiv Sena strategists had become so convinced of the hypothesis that Modi Wave had receded based on the bye-election outcomes, that saw that all the ‘green’ was going to adore them only. But Maharashtra and Haryana (in Haryana, BJP got clear majority and is going to form the government there, from 4 seats in 2009 to clear majority in 2014) tell Modi Wave is still very much here.

It was for Modi Wave only, that BJP, despite not having as strong an organizational structure in whole Maharashtra as Shiv Sena had, could outperform so brilliantly its ‘senior partner’ from the recent past.

So brilliantly, that Shiv Sena is now slated to become BJP’s junior partner in Maharashtra.

So brilliantly, that BJP is now dictating the terms, even if it is 23 seats short of the majority mark. The NCP offer of unconditional outside support has taken whatever sheen Shiv Sena was left with in a post-election scenario of hung assembly.

BJP won more than what Shiv Sena was offering, 119 seats. Had it been in the alliance, even if with 5 more seats, BJP would not have been able to win so many seats. What BJP was demanding was modest. What Shiv Sena’s arrogance gave it was grand. And what Shiv Sena lost was grander, costing it the ‘senior alliance partner’ position, and the leverage in the national politics.

©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –



The discontent was telling. And it was the ‘most’ popular sentiment in the just concluded elections.

In Maharashtra, the ruling NCP-Congress combine was in government for 15 years, the last three terms. And like the political dispensation has been in India so far, even if it bring some development, it is riddled with corruption and allegations of corruption, as we saw in case of Sheila Dikshit’s government in Delhi. Sheila was Delhi’s chief minister for three terms, for 15 years.

Her government’s track record on development was good, but was not free of corruption. And as the terms went on, from five years, to ten years, to fifteen years, the governance got riddled with more and more allegations of mammoth levels of corruption. Yes, the Delhi that we see today, that can claim substantial development during her terms, kept on oiling the wheels of corruption as well, that put even her under the scanner.

And Maharashtra could not claim even of this front – development (with corruption).

Coupled with political arrogance and insensitivity reflecting in political statements on issues of social relevance, the lack of development or rather the lack of balanced development created heaps of anti-incumbency against the ruling coalition government.

Then there were ‘popular’ measures adding to the anti-incumbency, the discontent, like verbose talks even if Vidarbha farm suicides continued unabated, like a chief minister on a Taj Hotel tour with a filmmaker just after the 26/11 terror strike, like the continued Maratha Vs Non-Maratha rants, like the consistently bad show of vital social indicators, like the Maratha reservation card and so on. The list seems pretty long.

The discontent had brewed to its full ‘ripeness’.

Similar is the story of Haryana.

A Congress ruled state for 10 years had a family sort of rule, of the Hooda family, a Jat leader from Rohtak who never crossed the ‘culturally backward Haryana’ line on social evils like Khap dictats and honour killings, a Jat leader whose rule was basically focused on Jat dominated areas of Haryana, in and around his city Rohtak, who, as well, played the reservation card, a Jat leader, who like other politicians, and in typical Congress fashion, promoted interests of his family, his clan and the families of his party members first. Allegations of widespread misappropriations in recruitments were common and even the civil services were not left out.

And the Hooda government even bungled the case of Gurgaon, the once dubbed Millennium City of India that is increasingly being identified as a concrete jungle with unplanned development on social indicators and a city of horrible crime rates.

Also, the associated corruption that came with its lucrative real estate dealings did not leave even the first political family of India. Sonia Gandhi’s son-in-law Robert Vadra is facing allegations of corruption and misappropriation in land deals and former Haryana chief minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda is facing allegations of going out of the way and mending rulebooks to help clear the Vadra land deals.

And naturally, these are not the standalone cases where allegations have erupted. There are many on the lines of nepotism, casteism and regionalism spread over the last 10 years – a perfect recipe for sky-high discontent.

And so, the anti-incumbency built was huge and saw its desperate way out in the Modi Factor, as in Maharashtra, in the promises made by Narendra Modi, in the day he has been able to add to the development of Gujarat, a state Modi ruled for over around 14 years, a good enough stretch of time to let the discontent and the associated anti-incumbency creep in. But, anti-incumbency has never been an electoral factor all through the Narendra Modi’s tenure as the chief minister of Gujarat.

The huge anti-incumbency reflected in the higher turnouts as well – highest ever in Haryana with 76% voting and 64% in Maharashtra, fourth highest ever and 5% more than 2009 assembly elections – a measure of increasing ‘popular discontent’ against the ruling establishment.


©/IPR: Santosh Chaubey –